The War Powers Debate: Is the U.S. Engaged in “Hostilities” in Libya?

How many angels can dance on the head of a pin? When does the use of the armed forces of the United States trigger the War Powers Resolution of 1973? Why have we not intervened in "hostilities" within the meaning of that resolution with our military operations in Libya?

Learned counsel for the State Department and the White House appear to know the answers to such questions with reasons that would make medieval scholastics blush with embarrassment.

There are no caveats in the War Powers Resolution. The words are perfectly clear -- certainly clear enough for a former lecturer in constitutional law -- or even for a former dean of the Yale Law School -- to be able to comprehend and apply in the manner that Congress intended.

George Dargo

Free Speech and Inflammatory Rhetoric

None of the outrageous comments coming out of the mouth of Sarah Palin has been more disturbing than her use of the term "blood libel" to describe media criticisms of her in relation to the tragedy in Tucson.

I doubt that Palin has any understanding of the significance of the phrase, what it refers to, or why it is laden with emotional content, especially for Jews. Undoubtedly, it is the product of the frenzied imagination of someone on her staff.

Nevertheless, it represents a new low in American political rhetoric. It has subliminal power which Palin is now mobilizing to counter the well-founded, nearly universal media critique of how she has conducted herself, particularly in the run-up to the recent election and her very deliberate targeting of Congressional districts like that of Gabrielle Giffords, who just happens to be Jewish.

There is absolutely no justification for this. The press and the media should be uncompromising in condeming this for what it is—in the name of free speech and free expression, nothing less than a blatant attempt to stir up a witches’ brew of hate, bigotry, and mindless passion at a time when there is a need for balance, reason, and self-reflection.

George Dargo

An abbreviated version of this essay was published in the New York Times on Jan. 13, 2011.

"Zombie" Constitutionalism

Talk about bad and shopworn ideas ("zombies" to use Paul Krugman's nice formulation): the proposed amendment that would enable states to repeal any federal statute if approved by two-thirds of the state legislatures is a notion that came and went, in various forms, in the 18th and 19th centuries. First it was called Nullification, and then it morphed into the Secessionist craze whose 150th anniversary we are about to commemorate. The Civil War was supposed to have relegated those ideas to the proverbial dustbin of history.

This nutty notion -- if adopted -- would transform the entire structure and character of our constitutional system. The difference between the Constitution (which supporters of this amendment say they revere) and its predecessor -- the Articles of Confederation -- is that the federal government under the Constitution framed at Philadelphia in 1787 is an independent entity whose laws act directly upon the people and is not dependent upon the approval or disapproval of the states. To provide states with a mechanism for disapproving of federal laws would not only undermine the institution of Judicial Review, but it would fundamentally alter the architecture of American government as we have come to know it in the past two hundred years.

This is a very bad idea whose time came and went centuries ago. It should be so regarded.

George Dargo

Targeted Killings and Judicial Review

President Obama’s program of using drone attacks, often referred to as targeted killings or targeted assassinations, was recently challenged in federal court by the father of one of the alleged targets. Nasser Al-Aulaqi brought the suit on behalf of his son, Anwar Al-Aulaqi. Anwar Al-Aulaqi is a dual citizen of the United States and Yemen and he is believed to be an active member of Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula. The lawsuit claims that the President’s unilateral decision to target Al-Aulaqi without some form of judicial process is a violation of his 4th and 5th Amendment rights and is a violation of the Alien Tort Claims Act. Last week a federal court dismissed the suit based upon lack of standing and the political question doctrine.

In its decision, the court did note that the case raised challenging questions, including whether the “Executive can order the assassination of a U.S. citizen without first affording him any form of judicial process whatsoever, based on the mere assertion that he is a dangerous member of a terrorist organization.” A New York Times Op-Ed following the dismissal of the case called for the creation of a secret court similar to the FISA court now used to authorize wiretaps of foreign agents within the United States, to conduct a judicial review of the terrorist suspect targets chosen by the President before any targeting could take place. In the paragraphs below Professors Dargo and Hansen debate the creation of such a secret court.

Professor Hansen: I agree that some scrutiny is in order, but I disagree that the scrutiny should come from the courts. Such a review is outside of a court's competence and federal judges, even holding hearings in secret, are not competent to make -- or review -- targeting determinations. In dismissing the Al-Aulaqi case the court correctly noted, “To be sure, this Court recognizes the somewhat unsettling nature of its conclusion -- that there are circumstances in which the Executive's unilateral decision to kill a U.S. citizen overseas is ‘constitutionally committed to the political branches’ and judicially unreviewable. But this case squarely presents such a circumstance.” Even having some kind of secret process reviewed by a FISA type court would not address very real concerns that the Executive may need to act quickly because of the nature of the threat. It would be unprecedented and unwise for courts to get involved in this level of targeting decisions. Should courts review all battle plans before execution to make sure that they are in compliance with the laws of war?

The primary limits on the President's authority in this context come first from the inherent right of self defense and from the laws of armed conflict. Certainly there is an open question as to the contexts in which the law of armed conflict should apply. For example, should its limits be tied to the territory where most of the actual fighting is taking place? Or should the law of armed conflict and the right to target an individual like Al-Aulaqi follow the individual terrorist and allow him to be targeted wherever he or goes? While there are no clear answers to these questions, the fact that these questions are being asked suggests that the law of armed conflict and the inherent right to self defense constrain the President's authority.

Congress and not the courts should be checking Presidential authority in this instance. Congress has the constitutional authority, the competence, and the power to place limits on such a program if Congress believes that the President is exceeding his authority.

Professor Dargo: I do agree that Congress should attempt to regulate this in some way. But your major approach -- to look at it through the prism of "the laws of war and armed conflict" -- I think is mistaken. As I see it, it should be viewed from the context of basic constitutional principles which govern the government and protect individual American citizens. Ours is a government of limited and specified powers, and even though those of the President are not as enumerated as those in Article I, this does not mean that the President's powers are unlimited. The basic principle is that the federal government -- any of its branches -- can only act upon authority which has been granted to it and not by some unlimited and vague assertion of necessity. Under Article I, Section 8 (necessary and proper clause), the Congress can give powers to the Executive in order to enable it to carry out its implied powers -- for example, to protect the country. That would at least give it some color of respectability under such landmark cases as Youngstown Sheet and Tube (Justice Jackson's concurring opinion). Then, of course, there is the rights aspect -- rights which are enumerated as a further check on the exercise of unlimited power. And the right in question, which is also part of the equation, of course would be Due Process. As the Times editorial notes, and the judge seems to say or imply, it makes no sense to require process to authorize electronic surveillance, but not to take away life. I just find that your approach -- viewing this through the lens of the laws of war -- does not adequately address the full dimensions of this issue.

Professor Hansen: No question that there are many dimensions to this issue. So let’s look at this issue in a more traditional battlefield context. Assume that during World War II, a U.S. solider decided to abandon his unit and join the German Army. Certainly, under the law of armed conflict and the inherent right to self defense, that solider could now be targeted and killed by U.S. forces without any resort to judicial review. If the law of armed conflict and the inherent right to self defense similarly applies in the Al-Aulaqi context, then the outcome should be the same. If, on the other hand the law of armed conflict and the inherent right to self defense do not apply (and that is an issue for debate), then the President has exceeded his authority. The point here is that the Executive’s authority is not unbounded. The check comes by way of the law of armed conflict and the inherent right to self defense. Congress, as the other political branch with the constitutional authority to oversee the Executive’s actions, not the courts, should act if it believes that the President has exceeded his authority.

Professor Dargo: We seem to be in agreement that Congress should establish some sort of mechanism for the purpose of authorizing executive action in this circumstance. The AUMF (Authorization for the Use of Military Force) adopted soon after the September 11th attacks are not sufficient for this purpose. To hold that the AUMF is sufficient would be to give a "blank check" to the President to conduct the so-called War on Terror against any persons, anywhere, anytime for any purposes he deems a threat to the security of the United States. I believe that Congress had no such intention back in 2001. Accordingly, in the absence of any other relevant authorizing power, then the President's action in ordering targeted assassination would be acting on the basis of his own Article II powers which, under Justice Jackson's formulation, would be a very weak reed indeed. For these reasons, I believe that targeted assassinations of American citizens in places like Yemen are beyond the powers of the President.

Professor Hansen: While I agree that the AUMF is not a “blank check” it is certainly not a “bounced check” either. If we say that in passing the AUMF Congress did not anticipate that the President would use the authorization to capture and kill those who pose a threat to the United States, I’m left to wonder what the AUMF authorized.

The Modern Council of Revision

At the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia in 1787, a few delegates proposed the adoption of a Council of Revision. The Council was to consist of a small group of high officials (mostly judges) whose job it would be to determine the constitutionality of any law under consideration by Congress. The purpose of the Council of Revision was to keep in check the dangerous excesses of popular majorities. In the end, cooler heads prevailed, and the Framers wisely rejected this proposal.

However, what we have today is an unstoppable U.S. Supreme Court fully determined to pass judgment on just about any significant Congressional enactment. Nearly every statute of consequence now has to meet the approval of a handful of these unelected, lifetime officials. The recently completed term of the Court is replete with examples of this -- most egregiously, the Citizens United case back in January which gutted the McCain/Feingold Campaign Finance Law, a law based upon extensive hearings and findings by Congressional committees. And a most important new piece of legislation, the Health Care Law, is being challenged by teams of conservative lawyers and state attorneys general who have every expectation that the Supremes will have lots to say about whether that Law is permissible or not.

Thus, for all practical purposes, we have allowed the old Council of Revision to become part of our system of government even though it was specifically rejected by the much venerated Founding Fathers. So much for the original intent of the framers of our Constitution.

George Dargo

Louisiana: Why Does it Matter?

Why should we who visit New Orleans from time to time – to listen to jazz in Preservation Hall, to watch people carry on during Mardi Gras, to eat Cajun food, drink coffee in Café Du Monde in the French Quarter, to enjoy the beauty of Audubon Park, or to ride the ancient trolley cars on St. Charles Avenue – why should we care that British Petroleum’s devastating oil spill is spoiling the delicate coastline of Louisiana and the estuary of the Mississippi River? Why does Louisiana matter at all?

The Spanish called it Baja Luisiana (Lower Louisiana), but the Americans changed it to the “Orleans Territory” in a vain effort to erase the memory of three quarters of a century of European rule. That effort failed when the French inhabitants insisted on the name Louisiana. So it was called when the state entered the Union in 1812. Naming rights aside, Louisiana was a very strange and unknown region two hundred years ago when, through clever diplomacy and lucky chance, the whole of the empire of what the French called La Louisiane was purchased from Napoleon in 1803.

Travelers coming to New Orleans usually came by sea since there were no roads to speak of connecting America’s newest and greatest possession to the rest of the country. First impressions may well have been of overwhelming desolation at the point of entry at the mouth of the Mississippi over one hundred miles southeast of the Crescent City. As one voyager reported, “we entered the river in the afternoon. As long as daylight would permit us a view nothing appeared but a dull uniform marsh covered with reeds, no cheering prospect to refresh the eye. All around is one dead level.” Another observed “a low and swampy shore, in many parts drowned by the river, uninhabited and uninhabitable, where only wild and misshapen vegetation subsists.”

We now know how precious the barren landscape of the deep delta truly was. For these were the cane fields, marshes, cypress swamps, inlets, bayous, and wetlands that protected what we now call “the Big Easy” from the destructive forces of nature. It was fire – probably caused by human negligence – that nearly destroyed the entire city in 1788 – not hurricanes or some other natural calamity. At the time, the Spanish who governed Louisiana rebuilt the town using the architecture characteristic of Spanish and Caribbean forms that we now recognize and treasure. They reconstructed everything using iron and brick rather than wood wherever possible according to fire and building codes that made New Orleans the very first city to have any such regulations.

The physical features that surrounded New Orleans, then the most important city on the Mississippi River, even protected it from a British invasion at the very end of the War of 1812. England sent an armada to invest the city and thereby seize control of all of Louisiana, but the crack troops who tried it – Wellington’s veterans from the Peninsular Campaign in Europe – were unable to negotiate the cypress swamps, marshes, and bayous surrounding New Orleans. They were defeated by a ragtag assemblage of local militia, black slaves, free people of color, pirates, and a motley assortment of fighters from as far away as Kentucky who finally defeated a British army many times its size on January 8, 1815 in the Battle of New Orleans, one of the most decisive and consequential military engagements ever fought on the North American continent.

We think of New Orleans as a Southern city and of Louisiana as one of the states of the Deep South. After all, it was part of the Confederate States of America, and New Orleans was the very first major city of the Confederacy that fell to the Union when Fleet Officer David Farragut led a naval force up the Mississippi River in the spring of 1862 to capture New Orleans. The city remained in Union hands for the duration of the Civil War. And, as a slaveholding state with a very large African American slave population, Louisiana had been an integral part all of the oppressions that we associate with black enslavement and with the so-called emancipation that followed. During the earliest years, black slaves were governed by something called the Code Noir which was one of the worst slave codes in the American South. And then the regime of Jim Crowism which followed the Civil War and Reconstruction – the enforced separation of the races which did not begin to end for nearly another hundred years – was given the official imprimatur of legality by the Supreme Court of the United States in the case of Plessy v. Ferguson in 1896, a case that emanated from Louisiana.

So Louisiana is very much a part of the story of American racism. That we know. But it is also true that New Orleans had the largest population of “Free People of Color” of any antebellum southern city. Even in the days of slavery, free Africans and former slaves living in New Orleans had many of the same rights and privileges as whites – they could and did own property, establish businesses, have a normal family life, and live freely – something which was unheard of in the rest of the American South. In that respect, the Louisiana experience would anticipate America today as the country works through stubborn issues of racial inequality and the continuing struggle for racial equalization.

Even with respect to the unique Louisiana legal system, America has had much to learn. In the field of family law, for example, the property rights of married women in early Louisiana were way ahead of the law in the American common law states while the community property systems well-known in the former colonies of France and Spain would be highly influential in many of those states in years to come. In addition, in an increasingly globalized world where law is often borrowed or duplicated outright, Louisiana enjoys distinguished membership in a family of nations that have “mixed legal systems.” Despite the protestations of tea partyers from below and some federal jurists from above, America must necessarily learn to copy from the legal experience of other equally developed legal regimes just as Louisiana has been doing from the very beginning.

Why, then, does Louisiana matter? It matters because, despite its uniqueness, its difference, its special history, and its Creole/Caribbean culture, Louisiana is a microcosm of America. The Louisiana experience mirrors the American experience. Nowhere else in the country was there a population as mixed and diverse as that of New Orleans right up until our own time. Even New York, with its large influx of immigrants from Southern and Eastern Europe at the beginning of the 20th century, did not equal New Orleans in the complexity of its population which consisted, in 1800, of French speakers from Santo Domingo (refugees from the Haitian Revolution), natives of France, native-born Louisianians, as well as Germans, Spanish, Americans, Irish, African slaves, Free People of Color, and others. Consequently, Louisiana became a hybrid culture long before America would become a hybrid product of the many different peoples that would settle this country particularly in the period before restrictive federal immigration laws were enacted early in the 20th century.

So as we watch with helpless horror as oil fouls the Gulf of Mexico – a direct result of corporate malfeasance and regulatory failure – with irreparable harm already inflicted upon endangered wildlife and fragile ecosystems, we should all care very deeply about what happens to Louisiana. Because Louisiana is us. Louisiana’s history is our history, its future our future, and we are all in this together.

George Dargo

Public School Teachers and Due Process

The news coming out of Rhode Island, as discussed by my colleague, Monica Teixeira de Sousa, and more recently in The Boston Globe, regarding the mass firing of public school teachers is deeply disturbing.

The Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment of the United States Constitution is clearly in play here. Neither state law nor administrative order can take away property rights that regular public school teachers have in their jobs. Each of these teachers--whether in Boston or in Central Falls, Rhode Island, is entitled to an individualized, case by case hearing with the opportunity to confront the allegations against them plus the chance to refute them.

"The fundamental requisite of due process of law is the opportunity to be heard." So said the Supreme Court back in 1914, at a time when that Court was even more conservative than the present one.

This draconian policy of mass firing of public employees is coming down from the very top--from the Obama administration itself. One would have thought that a former teacher of Constitutional Law in one of the nation's most distinguished law schools would remember what every first year law student has learned--that the Constitution of the United States protects the due process rights of every person. Surely the public school teachers in Boston and Central Falls are entitled to nothing less.

George Dargo